Brazil was the country that received the largest number of enslaved Africans throughout history and was also the last in the Americas to formally abolish slavery, in 1888. These two elements are not merely historical facts; they are fundamental to understanding the country’s social, economic, and political formation. The history of the transatlantic trafficking of enslaved people and of slavery itself is not peripheral, but rather foundational to the making of Brazil—both in terms of the accumulation of wealth and privileges that persist to this day, and in the multiple forms of violence and restricted access to basic rights that continue to affect the Black population.

For more than three centuries, enslaved labor was the backbone of the Brazilian economy. Large rural estates, commercial networks, and political structures were built upon the systematic exploitation of Africans and their descendants. The wealth generated during this period was not equitably redistributed after abolition. On the contrary, it remained concentrated in the hands of groups that historically benefited from this system. At the same time, the formerly enslaved population was left to fend for itself, without policies of social integration, access to land, education, or dignified work.

A key site for understanding the concrete dimension of this process is the Valongo Wharf, located in the area known as Little Africa. Between the late eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, Valongo was the main port of disembarkation for enslaved Africans in the Americas. Millions of people passed through that territory, which became one of the most significant material markers of the violence of the Atlantic slave trade. At the same time, Valongo and its surroundings are also spaces of memory and resistance, where cultural, religious, and social practices fundamental to Black communities were established. Today, recognized as a World Heritage Site, the area reveals both the brutality of the slave system and the centrality of African presence in the formation of Brazil.

The post-abolition period did not mark the end of racial inequalities, but rather their reorganization. Racism began to operate in more diffuse, yet equally effective ways, structuring access to opportunities and rights. Laws, institutional practices, and social dynamics contributed to keeping the Black population in disadvantaged positions. Economic marginalization, educational exclusion, and both state and everyday violence became enduring features of this historical legacy.

However, it is essential to emphasize that the Black experience in Brazilian history cannot be reduced to what the slave system imposed. The history of Brazil is also the history of Black re-existence—a concept that expresses not only resistance, but the capacity to recreate ways of life, culture, and identity in the face of oppression. From quilombos to religious brotherhoods, from cultural expressions to forms of political organization, Black people have been central protagonists in shaping social practices that are now key elements of Brazilian national identity. The very region of Little Africa, surrounding Valongo, became a major center of Black cultural and political production, where traditions were preserved and reinvented.

The struggle against slavery always involved the direct action of enslaved people, whether through escapes, rebellions, negotiations, or everyday strategies of resistance. Likewise, the struggle for historical reparation is not recent. It has been built over time by different actors and collectives, especially the many Black movements that have existed and continue to exist in Brazil. These movements have been responsible for denouncing racial inequalities, producing knowledge, proposing alternatives, and pressuring the state for recognition and justice. The very process of recognizing Valongo Wharf as a heritage site is a direct result of these mobilizations.

This historical struggle gained a new dimension at the beginning of the twenty-first century, when the Brazilian state officially recognized the country as racist during the World Conference against Racism, held in Durban in 2001. This recognition had a significant impact, as it opened space for the long-standing demands of Black movements to gain greater legitimacy and visibility within institutional arenas. In this context, several public policies were implemented to address racial inequalities, such as affirmative action in higher education and in the public sector, programs aimed at valuing Afro-Brazilian culture, and initiatives focused on promoting racial equality.

The debate on historical reparation in Brazil is also supported by a broad body of academic research, developed especially in public universities. These studies have contributed to a deeper understanding of the lasting impacts of slavery and racism, while also providing important foundations for public policy design. By highlighting the connections between past and present, this scholarship reinforces the idea that current inequalities are not accidental, but the result of well-defined historical processes. In this sense, places such as Valongo Wharf also become sites of knowledge production and of contested narratives.

Today, discussions about historical reparation in Brazil encompass multiple dimensions. They include material measures, such as policies for income redistribution and expanded access to rights, as well as symbolic initiatives, such as recognizing the contributions of Black people to the formation of the country and valuing their memory and culture. They also involve broader debates about racial justice, state responsibility, and the need to confront structural racism in a continuous and systematic way.

Despite the advances achieved in recent decades, many challenges remain. Racial inequalities are still profound and are reflected in indicators such as income, education, access to healthcare, and exposure to violence. In this sense, historical reparation should not be understood as a one-time action, but as a long-term process requiring political commitment, public investment, and social participation.

Thus, to think about the reparation of slavery in Brazil is, above all, to recognize the centrality of this history in the country’s formation and to assume responsibility for transforming the structures that perpetuate inequality. At the same time, it means recognizing the importance of territories such as Valongo and Little Africa as living spaces of memory, struggle, and the construction of possible futures. It is a debate that connects past, present, and future, and one that is essential for building a more just and democratic society.